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Saturday, March 6, 2010

On Balijan Cultural Movement



I received this in 2009 September. I don't know what happened to this Manifesto or the movement it supposed to start. In humanhorizons yahoo group there seemed to be a short-lived discussion on this. 
I consider this to be the most important document of our times on the most important transformatory task of all progressive politics. It is unfortunate that it doesn't seem to attract much attention from any of the constituencies it appeals to. 
I nevertheless agree with most of it and abide by the spirit of it. I hope to offer critical commentary on it in the coming days. 
I don't know what has happened after the issuance of this document. I remember somebody once telling me that there was some meeting in Osmania University releasing this document. 










For the Press:
It has been decided to launch a national-level cultural movement known as the “Balijan cultural movement.”  The following is a statement of aims and objectives of the movement.

Balijan Cultural Movement

We are men and women from various suppressed and exploited castes, adivasi communities and religious communities coming together in the Balijan Cultural Movement in order to develop the cultural foundations of the fight against Brahmanism, casteism, and Hindu fundamentalism which support the social, religious, political, and economic exploitation in India.
            Following the lead of the great social revolutionary Jotiba Phule, we take the name of “Balijan” to commemorate our roots in ancient traditions of the great and good ruler sacrificed to the greed of Brahmanism.  Just as peasant women and men still say, “Let troubles and sorrows go and the realm of Bali come!” so we aim to build a society of freedom, equality and prosperity for all.
            We also follow the traditions of Buddha, Thirumavalavar, Jesus, Mohammad and the Sufis and Bhakti saints such as Kabir, Ravidas, Tukoba, Nanak and Basava.  Jotiba and Savitribai Phule, Tarabai Shinde, Karl Marx, Iyothee Thass, Periyar, Babasaheb Ambedkar and many others are our heroes and icons.
           We aim to promote and develop the self-respect, dignity, creativity, and truth seeking centered around the productive culture of the Balijan communities.  Just as Brahmanism and caste are taking new forms in the globalized society in the modern imperialist era, so we also need to develop new alternative development models, new understanding, new creativity.
            We also take note of the complexity of caste.  Within the caste system, there is a major antagonistic contradiction between the oppressing and oppressed castes.  Among the oppressed castes, there are important and rampant non-antagonistic contradictions.  These have to be overcome with those oppressed castes higher in the hierarchy taking a lead in reconciliation; out of the unity developed from this will come a strong movement for caste annihilation.
            The Balijan Cultural Movement will take action in the following fields:
·       Women’s Liberation: The earliest society of Balijans was matrilineal, and like Bali, Nirruti is a symbol of this original equalitarian society.  Balijan culture and religions, though affected by patriarchy, carries the seeds of this true gender equality.  The end of all inequality is impossible without ending gender inequality.  We will strive to bring liberation from gender oppression in all our activities and work for this in the cultural field.
·       Education: we will work towards debrahmanising education and building an educational system in which the Balijan peoples’ contribution to culture, science and language is brought forward.  We oppose the two-stream educational system in which an elite gets quality education in English and the masses are bound in badly taught vernacular medium schools.  We fight for the establishment of the common access of all children between the ages of 3 and 18 to quality education in English as well as their regional (recognized and unrecognized) languages.  We support a 60-40 scheme where 40% of the curriculum is decided by local needs, 60% by common national standards.  Sanskrit universities should be transformed into peoples’ universities and there should be at least one central university using the regional language in each state.
·       Festivals: we will promote the celebration of Balijan cultural festivals, including historical festivals related to the productive lives of the people (e.g. Nagpanchami, Mahasankrant, Pongal, Balipratipada, Ghatochav) and will remove their vestiges of brahmanic domination.  We will also commemorate the birth and death anniversaries of Buddha, Jesus, Ambedkar, Phule and others and the historic dates of balijan tradition, such as the burning of the Manusmriti (December 25), the battle of Koregaon (January 1), 3 January (the birthday anniversary of Savitribai Phule) as teachers’ day and 1 June (founding of the Satyashodhak Samaj) as global anti-slavery day.
·       Symbols: We will ensure the removal of all symbols of violence, religious and otherwise, from public places and media, and have them replaced by symbols of the productive culture of the people.  In national awards, the Brahmanic names used for sports and other awards (e.g. the names of Dronacharya) will be replaced by awards in the name of Balijan heroes such as Ekalavya.
·       Census: We will agitate for the inclusion of caste in the 2011 Census.
·       Marriage: We will promote intercaste and interreligious marriages among Balijans and provide protection for those who make such marriages.
·       History: Liberating Balijan history from its distortion by brahmanic thinking and reconstructing the true history of the people will be a major task.
·       Language: we will work towards desanskritizing, in vocabulary and spelling, the existing languages of India and develop these as true peoples’ languages.
·       Spirituality: We endorse and seek to strengthen and develop the spirituality of truth-seeking monotheism, humanism and rationalism.
·        Ecology: The culture of production was environmentally enriching and maintaining ecological balance.  Now there is an environmental crisis at a global level. Enriching the environment and sustainability can only take place on the basis of the productive culture of Balijans.  We will strive to develop and widely promote this Balijan productive culture.

·       Diversity: The main social groups among the Balijans should be represented in all social, political, religious and economic institutions in proportion to their number in the population.
The Balijan Cultural Movement will organize people’s movements on their cultural demands and on the basis of these we will pressurize the state and its administration to concede these demands.  Beyond this we will work for social transformation and the building of a new, prosperous and ecological society without cultural, economic, political and religious exploitation.




Organizational Structure
President: Kancha Ilaiah
Acting President: Gail Omvedt
Convener: Sunil Sardar
General Secretary: Braj Ranjan Mani
Treasurer: Dinesh Kumar
Steering Committee Members:
Bharat Patankar
R.K. Nayak
Rama Panchal
Dilip Ghawade
Than Singh Josh
Nagesh Chaudhuri
Sudhakar Gaydhani
S.P. Singh
John Dayal
V.B . rawat
Shamim Ahmad
Hukum Singh Deshrajan
Waharu Sonavane
Cynthia Stephen
Raj Kumar
Neela Lodhi
Ram Singh
Lalita Vijay Dhone
Bal Krishna Renke
Jayram Singh Jay
Motilal Shastri
Vimalkirti
Subhash Savarkar
Ram Avadhesh Singh
Chandrabhan Boyar


Committee on Caste: Hukum Singh Deshrajan
Committee on Gender: Waharu Sonavane
Committee on Language: Nagesh Chaudhuri
Committee on Religion: Bharat Patankar, Sukhvinder Singh siddhu
Committee on Fundraising; Dinesh Kumar
Committee on Arts and Media; Ivan Kostka, Sagar
Committee on Research and publication: Braj Mani, Gail Omvedt
Committee on Youth: V.B. Rawat, Viduy Roy Malaviya, Avinash Nimkar, Pramod Mool 

Tuesday, February 23, 2010

Dalit unity is undermined’ Karthik interveiws Gorringe

D. KARTHIKEYAN



Interview with Hugo Gorringe, Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Edinburgh.







In the recent past, there has been a lot of debate on the emergence of Dalit parties in Tamil Nadu’s political sphere on the basis of Dalit identity. A larger identity constructed by the Dravidian movement has not only failed to transcend caste identities but has also suppressed the Dalit question through its hegemony. In this interview to Frontline, Hugo Gorringe, Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Edinburgh and author of Untouchable Citizens: Dalit Movements and Democratisation in Tamil Nadu (Sage 2005), talks about the emergence of Dalit movements, Dravidian hegemony and the future of Dalit politics in Tamil Nadu.



Gorringe has written several articles on caste, violence, protest and policing. He was in Madurai recently. Excerpts:



How did the idea of doing research on a Dalit movement in Tamil Nadu evolve?



My father worked in the Tamil Nadu Theological Seminary (TTS) in Madurai, so I grew up in Tamil Nadu between the ages of 4 and 11. During these years, I was able to make good friends. After we left, I had the opportunity to visit Madurai once every three or four years to keep up the connection with my friends, maintain my Tamil and meet people. The TTS is a place where Dalit theology is very important and I was exposed to dialogues between Gandhi and Ambedkar on untouchability as well as the social inequalities prevalent here. For my bachelor’s degree, I wrote a 10,000-word project about my experience with Dalits in India. I thought that the project was easy to do and also would give me opportunities to meet my friends.



During that project, though, I met more people and learned more about persistent caste inequalities. Following up on that experience, and realising that not much work had been done about Dalits and their movements in English, I thought of filling that gap. That was how my PhD project came about. Scholars like Michael Moffat (An Untouchable Community in India: Structure and Consensus; Princeton University Press, 1979) had argued that caste was based on structural consensus and that groups at the lower order replicated the forms and relationships of those at the upper strata.



Others argue that the lower caste groups in fact fight against caste. The situation has changed dramatically since Moffat’s work was published, and Dalit movements have mobilised across the State. I wanted to understand these contemporary caste relations and chart the challenges to caste hierarchy.



How important was your PhD in developing your understanding of caste and exploitation that continue to frame the lives of Dalits?



My PhD introduced me to the everyday life of Dalits. Once I got to know members of the movement, my PhD research took me into villages and urban slums that I had not visited before and opened my eyes to the subtle manifestations and the everyday practical difficulties of Dalits and how they are discriminated against both in civil as well as political society.



One of the significant features of your work was the concept of production of space and reclamation of rights to public space. How important is this concept in the case of Dalits?



The notion of space is the central social idiom of the Dalit struggle. At least superficially, the transformation of Puthiya Tamizhagam (PT) and Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) as political movements has enabled them to claim space within urban areas on par with other parties as can be seen in wall posters, flagpoles and murals. Likewise, few towns and villages in the urban periphery remain untouched by the symbols of Dalit politics. Given the immense struggles and battles that ensued to gain acceptance for these symbols, the fact that they are now commonplace in itself is extremely significant. On a more concrete level, Dalits in urban areas continue to live predominantly in slums or particular enclaves. Urban space in that sense is still marked by caste; people seeking homes for rent are often asked about their caste or are asked to get references from upper caste people before being offered a place. In rural areas, Dalits still reside in cheris outside the village and must struggle for access to roads and common resources.



Even in the case of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam government’s Samathuvapuram project, [a residential area] where people of different castes live side by side, lack of engagement between them in common cases and spaces indicate the continuing resilience of caste sentiment.



How important do you think is the emergence of Dalit parties such as the VCK and the PT in Tamil Nadu’s political sphere?



The rise of parties like the VCK and the PT is precisely about compelling the Dravidian parties to accept Dalits as political players. In the case of the VCK, so far they seem to have achieved that but the accusations that they levelled against other Dalit politicians – as being non-representative and out of touch with the realities of untouchability – are now being levelled against the VCK. Dalits I have spoken to felt that there are so many pressing issues that need to be addressed, but the VCK leaders have failed to address them in their pursuit of larger issues like the Sri Lankan conflict.



Whilst it is a real sign of progress that a ‘Dalit Party’ can speak out on wider issues, the failure to engage with the concerns of their core constituents can foster disillusionment.



Dravidian hegemony, achieved through the Dravidian parties’ investment in symbolic capital such as social honour and trust and creation of symbols, idioms of glorious past, was one of the major reasons for the suppression of the Dalit question. How far do you think the Dalit parties are able to challenge the hegemony?



The Dalit parties’ failure to challenge Dravidian hegemony is one of action rather than analysis. If one listens to [VCK leader] Thirumavalavan in Dalit circles or reads his work or that of D. Ravikumar [Member of the Legislative Assembly representing the VCK], they offer an insightful analysis of brahminism and of the influence of Dravidian movement and they explain how Dalits buy into that rhetoric. Despite this, the VCK has allied itself with both main Dravidian parties rather than attempting to consolidate a Third Front. The pertinent question is whether the decision to ally with Dravidian parties is pragmatic or principled.



Initially it was a pragmatic move to escape persecution and establish the VCK as a political player, but increasingly they seem to be buying into the system. Yes, they have gained some concessions and have given a voice to marginalised people to some extent, but when leaders of resistance movements fall at the feet of Dravidian leaders, you see the transformation of figures of liberation to establishment figures.



There is an accusation that the inclusive rhetoric of the Dravidian movement bypassed Dalits only to empower the regionally dominant middle castes who oppress Dalits and commit atrocities against them? How far is this true?



The Dravidian movement was always anti-Brahmin but was never systematically anti-brahminical as a philosophy and never has campaigned for that. In fact they never challenged the structural hierarchy except in symbolic ways, meaning that we still have caste oppression both at village and urban areas by dominant castes who have supplanted the Brahmins as power holders but follow brahminical policies. Brahminism continues to hold sway.



The egalitarian ideology of Periyar has not come into fruition. Even Vanniyars and Thevars had to struggle for inclusion into Tamil politics. Indeed, the history of Tamil politics has been one of successive struggles by marginalised sections in society. The failure of Dravidian parties is perhaps best exemplified by the fact that political contestation is still articulated and carried out on caste lines.



Still the struggle continues?



Yes, after Vanniyars and Thevars, it was Pallars (Devendrars) and Paraiyars (Adi Dravidars) and now it is Arunthathiyars who are struggling for political inclusion. This happens precisely because caste continues to have symbolic and material substance and remains an important category of practice. This is not to say that social relations have been static. By and large, there is a widespread decline of dependency among Dalits. But the advancement of marginalised communities is largely incidental to, rather than a product of, Dravidian policies.



Even Dalit movements are mobilising on caste issues, and it is a paradox to see that anti-caste movements are reinforcing the social structures they want to eradicate. There are a number of reasons for that; firstly, Dravidian hegemony is so strong that whatever the leaders say and think, Dalits cling to a Tamilian identity. The failure of parties like the Bahujan Samaj Party and the Communist Party of India and the CPI(M) testify to that.



Secondly, it reflects a lack of democracy among Dalit movements. The focus on big leaders, which reflects the dominant form of Tamil politics, itself leads to division and status competition. Thirdly, movements have tended to be particularly sensitive to atrocities, which is important in itself, but perhaps also entails a failure to work systematically against caste divisions. Even as the VCK recruits members from the backward castes, thus, they struggle to gain a foothold amongst Pallars and Arunthathiyars. The result is that now each caste has its own heroes and mass figures that are inimical to Dalit unity.



Talking about “heroes”, Dalit movements of late have been involved in reinventing their own caste histories and glorifying “heroes” from the past. Could this be seen as discourses of empowerment?





Dalit movements started off as autonomous political forces but have succumbed to Dravidian hegemony in the belief that they cannot stand alone.

Caste histories can well be seen as discourses of empowerment and we shouldn’t belittle their importance because they provide at least symbolic forms of capital and have been instrumental in altering the aspirations and self-perceptions of the subaltern groups.



But do you not think that there is a danger of this form of symbolic capital not turning into social action?



Yes, there is a double-edged character for this as they detract the movements from any sense of common struggle and they can lead to status competition among Dalits as in the case of Devendra Kula Vellalars. From that perspective, campaign strategies which are formed on common issues such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1999, World Conference Against Racism facilitate cross caste mobilisation.



Perhaps, the best example of such awareness and mobilisation is Ambedkar’s Birth Centenary, which made him a leader of pan-Indian stature and took him to the remotest corners as champion of the oppressed. If Dalit movements can build on such platforms, or those of land rights, there is more hope for Dalit liberation than the advancement of particular communities.



Most Dalit scholars believe that the idea of resistance politics identified with the VCK has become a casualty after its entry into electoral politics.



The compulsions of electoral politics, which engender compromise and hinder spontaneity, are the reasons for that. Thirumavalavan could rush to villages during the 1990s and interact with people; now it’s not happening and he cannot do that. Many are disillusioned with this professionalisation and bureaucratisation and the focus on Tamil nationalism. The seeming desire to become a general party rather than focussing on issues largely affecting Dalits is rather depressing for some cadres though others revel in the party’s strength. But having said this, all the movements suffer from this malaise.



We have to ask whether the Dalit struggle can be advanced by espousing Tamil nationalism. The VCK has been able to gain some concessions and goodwill from its political partners through this strategy, but we must ask at what cost these gains have been won. The VCK mobilisation in Karnataka, for instance, is resented by other Dalit parties who see them as primarily a Tamil party. Dalit unity is thus undermined.



What are the significant areas where the VCK still wields a lot of influence?



In some key areas, the VCK continues to inspire people to follow them, and some shades of women’s empowerment are also taking place. One notable thing is that in Madurai, R. Pandiammal – whom I mentioned in my book – has risen to become the district secretary from being a grass-roots worker. This move needs to be applauded as not many parties have elevated active women to positions of responsibility.



Secondly, they continue to carve out spaces in terms of book launches, art festivals and conferences. One VCK member told me that Thirumavalavan talks about Dalit issues in these platforms in a way that is no longer possible on political platforms. Finally, there is a suggestion by many people that the VCK is now engaged in the murkier forms of politics like katta panchayats (kangaroo courts). On the one hand this heralds the party’s arrival as a significant political player – either because rumours are spread about them or because they are powerful enough to engage in such activities. On the other it raises questions about the party’s ultimate objectives. If the aim is a share of political power then this is a step in the right direction, but if the aim is to transform politics and challenge caste hierarchies, then this is a retrograde step.



Your view on the question of compartmental reservation…



Dalits feel that there are so many pressing issues that need to be addressed, but the VCK leaders have failed to address them in their pursuit of larger issues like the Sri Lankan conflict.



I am deeply sceptical about the Arunthathiyar reservation. For a start, if the State filled the 18 per cent available [to the Scheduled Castes] fully and properly there would be no need for compartmental reservation. Although it is true that the Arunthathiyars are the weakest of the main Dalit castes, this move can be seen as a form of ‘divide and rule’ that channels Dalit mobilisation into caste-based struggles rather than anti-caste struggles.



Furthermore, the issue of reservation is particularly important because the persistence of caste in contemporary Tamil Nadu, for me at least, rests less on ‘purity and pollution’ and more on the question of identity, honour and caste pride. Compartmental reservation feeds into this dynamic and fuels the logic of identity-based politics. It does not help to overcome the dialectic between honour and humiliation, whereas general schemes like the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme at least have the potential to transcend caste boundaries.



Is there any scope for Dalit parties to become politically self-autonomous?



Dalit movements here started off as autonomous political forces but have succumbed to Dravidian hegemony in the belief that they cannot stand alone. The Third Front in 1999 and actor Vijaykant’s limited success signals that there is scope for non-Dravidian politics, but there have been no sustained attempts to build up such a campaign. This indicates that Dalit parties are caught up in the workings of everyday Tamil politics, with the result that the options open to them are limited to Tamil nationalism, idolisation of Periyar at a rhetorical level and the symbolic occupation of space. Only if Dalit movements stand apart from the Dravidian parties will we get a sense of their autonomy.



What are your current projects?



I am currently reading a lot of literature to think more theoretically about the underpinnings of caste and caste conflicts, thinking through workings of social power and the way in which everyday interactions form the basis of caste structures.



Such a bottom-up perspective offers an insight into why caste continues to inform everyday life even 60 years after Independence. I am also considering the possibility of carrying out a follow-up study on Dalit politics in Tamil Nadu that would chart the changes in Dalit mobilisation over the past decade. The vibrant Dalit movements that I studied in 1999 are now established political parties and I am keen to tease out the implications of this shift.

Monday, February 22, 2010

Politics and the English Language by George Orwell


This is one of the greatest articles ever written on writing. Not that even in my dreams I could aspire to conform to great Orwell's well-argued rules, but nevertheless I consider this piece is inspiring and revealing. 

Suddu has come to a point where he should give up his arcane academic prose and settle for less frightening but more communicative forms of writing. I advised him- I don't have the superstitious belief that you have to follow the things you preach to others - to read and follow this article. He, in his Emperor-like way, asked me to send it to him. I am posting it here.  


George Orwell, "Politics and the English Language," 1946

Most people who bother with the matter at all would admit that the English language is in a bad way, but it is generally assumed that we cannot by conscious action do anything about it. Our civilization is decadent and our language -- so the argument runs -- must inevitably share in the general collapse. It follows that any struggle against the abuse of language is a sentimental archaism, like preferring candles to electric light or hansom cabs to aeroplanes. Underneath this lies the half-conscious belief that language is a natural growth and not an instrument which we shape for our own purposes.
Now, it is clear that the decline of a language must ultimately have political and economic causes: it is not due simply to the bad influence of this or that individual writer. But an effect can become a cause, reinforcing the original cause and producing the same effect in an intensified form, and so on indefinitely. A man may take to drink because he feels himself to be a failure, and then fail all the more completely because he drinks. It is rather the same thing that is happening to the English language. It becomes ugly and inaccurate because our thoughts are foolish, but the slovenliness of our language makes it easier for us to have foolish thoughts. The point is that the process is reversible. Modern English, especially written English, is full of bad habits which spread by imitation and which can be avoided if one is willing to take the necessary trouble. If one gets rid of these habits one can think more clearly, and to think clearly is a necessary first step toward political regeneration: so that the fight against bad English is not frivolous and is not the exclusive concern of professional writers. I will come back to this presently, and I hope that by that time the meaning of what I have said here will have become clearer. Meanwhile, here are five specimens of the English language as it is now habitually written.
These five passages have not been picked out because they are especially bad -- I could have quoted far worse if I had chosen -- but because they illustrate various of the mental vices from which we now suffer. They are a little below the average, but are fairly representative examples. I number them so that i can refer back to them when necessary:
    1. I am not, indeed, sure whether it is not true to say that the Milton who once seemed not unlike a seventeenth-century Shelley had not become, out of an experience ever more bitter in each year, more alien [sic] to the founder of that Jesuit sect which nothing could induce him to tolerate.
      Professor Harold Laski (Essay in Freedom of Expression)
    2. Above all, we cannot play ducks and drakes with a native battery of idioms which prescribes egregious collocations of vocables as the Basic put up with for tolerate, or put at a loss for bewilder .
      Professor Lancelot Hogben (Interglossa)
    3. On the one side we have the free personality: by definition it is not neurotic, for it has neither conflict nor dream. Its desires, such as they are, are transparent, for they are just what institutional approval keeps in the forefront of consciousness; another institutional pattern would alter their number and intensity; there is little in them that is natural, irreducible, or culturally dangerous. But on the other side, the social bond itself is nothing but the mutual reflection of these self-secure integrities. Recall the definition of love. Is not this the very picture of a small academic? Where is there a place in this hall of mirrors for either personality or fraternity?
      Essay on psychology in Politics (New York)
    4. All the "best people" from the gentlemen's clubs, and all the frantic fascist captains, united in common hatred of Socialism and bestial horror at the rising tide of the mass revolutionary movement, have turned to acts of provocation, to foul incendiarism, to medieval legends of poisoned wells, to legalize their own destruction of proletarian organizations, and rouse the agitated petty-bourgeoise to chauvinistic fervor on behalf of the fight against the revolutionary way out of the crisis.
      Communist pamphlet
    5. If a new spirit is to be infused into this old country, there is one thorny and contentious reform which must be tackled, and that is the humanization and galvanization of the B.B.C. Timidity here will bespeak canker and atrophy of the soul. The heart of Britain may be sound and of strong beat, for instance, but the British lion's roar at present is like that of Bottom in Shakespeare's Midsummer Night's Dream -- as gentle as any sucking dove. A virile new Britain cannot continue indefinitely to be traduced in the eyes or rather ears, of the world by the effete languors of Langham Place, brazenly masquerading as "standard English." When the Voice of Britain is heard at nine o'clock, better far and infinitely less ludicrous to hear aitches honestly dropped than the present priggish, inflated, inhibited, school-ma'amish arch braying of blameless bashful mewing maidens!
      Letter in Tribune
Each of these passages has faults of its own, but, quite apart from avoidable ugliness, two qualities are common to all of them. The first is staleness of imagery; the other is lack of precision. The writer either has a meaning and cannot express it, or he inadvertently says something else, or he is almost indifferent as to whether his words mean anything or not. This mixture of vagueness and sheer incompetence is the most marked characteristic of modern English prose, and especially of any kind of political writing. As soon as certain topics are raised, the concrete melts into the abstract and no one seems able to think of turns of speech that are not hackneyed: prose consists less and less of words chosen for the sake of their meaning, and more and more ofphrases tacked together like the sections of a prefabricated henhouse. I list below, with notes and examples, various of the tricks by means of which the work of prose construction is habitually dodged:
Dying metaphors. A newly invented metaphor assists thought by evoking a visual image, while on the other hand a metaphor which is technically "dead" (e.g. iron resolution) has in effect reverted to being an ordinary word and can generally be used without loss of vividness. But in between these two classes there is a huge dump of worn-out metaphors which have lost all evocative power and are merely used because they save people the trouble of inventing phrases for themselves. Examples are: Ring the changes on, take up the cudgel for, toe the line, ride roughshod over, stand shoulder to shoulder with, play into the hands of, no axe to grind, grist to the mill, fishing in troubled waters, on the order of the day, Achilles' heel, swan song, hotbed. Many of these are used without knowledge of their meaning (what is a "rift," for instance?), and incompatible metaphors are frequently mixed, a sure sign that the writer is not interested in what he is saying. Some metaphors now current have been twisted out of their original meaning withouth those who use them even being aware of the fact. For example, toe the line is sometimes written as tow the line. Another example is the hammer and the anvil, now always used with the implication that the anvil gets the worst of it. In real life it is always the anvil that breaks the hammer, never the other way about: a writer who stopped to think what he was saying would avoid perverting the original phrase.
Operators or verbal false limbs. These save the trouble of picking out appropriate verbs and nouns, and at the same time pad each sentence with extra syllables which give it an appearance of symmetry. Characteristic phrases are render inoperative, militate against, make contact with, be subjected to, give rise to, give grounds for, have the effect of, play a leading part (role) in, make itself felt, take effect, exhibit a tendency to, serve the purpose of, etc., etc. The keynote is the elimination of simple verbs. Instead of being a single word, such as break, stop, spoil, mend, kill, a verb becomes a phrase, made up of a noun or adjective tacked on to some general-purpose verb such as prove, serve, form, play, render. In addition, the passive voice is wherever possible used in preference to the active, and noun constructions are used instead of gerunds (by examination of instead of by examining). The range of verbs is further cut down by means of the -ize and de- formations, and the banal statements are given an appearance of profundity by means of the not un- formation. Simple conjunctions and prepositions are replaced by such phrases as with respect to, having regard to, the fact that, by dint of, in view of, in the interests of, on the hypothesis that; and the ends of sentences are saved by anticlimax by such resounding commonplaces as greatly to be desired, cannot be left out of account, a development to be expected in the near future, deserving of serious consideration, brought to a satisfactory conclusion, and so on and so forth.
Pretentious diction. Words like phenomenon, element, individual (as noun), objective, categorical, effective, virtual, basic, primary, promote, constitute, exhibit, exploit, utilize, eliminate, liquidate, are used to dress up a simple statement and give an air of scientific impartiality to biased judgements. Adjectives like epoch-making, epic, historic, unforgettable, triumphant, age-old, inevitable, inexorable, veritable, are used to dignify the sordid process of international politics, while writing that aims at glorifying war usually takes on an archaic color, its characteristic words being: realm, throne, chariot, mailed fist, trident, sword, shield, buckler, banner, jackboot, clarion. Foreign words and expressions such as cul de sac, ancien regime, deus ex machina, mutatis mutandis, status quo, gleichschaltung, weltanschauung, are used to give an air of culture and elegance. Except for the useful abbreviations i.e., e.g., and etc., there is no real need for any of the hundreds of foreign phrases now current in the English language. Bad writers, and especially scientific, political, and sociological writers, are nearly always haunted by the notion that Latin or Greek words are grander than Saxon ones, and unnecessary words like expedite, ameliorate, predict, extraneous, deracinated, clandestine, subaqueous, and hundreds of others constantly gain ground from their Anglo-Saxon numbers.* The jargon peculiar to

*An interesting illustration of this is the way in which English flower names were in use till very recently are being ousted by Greek ones, Snapdragon becoming antirrhinumforget-me-not becoming myosotis, etc. It is hard to see any practical reason for this change of fashion: it is probably due to an instinctive turning away from the more homely word and a vague feeling that the Greek word is scientific.

Marxist writing (hyena, hangman, cannibal, petty bourgeois, these gentry, lackey, flunkey, mad dog, White Guard, etc.) consists largely of words translated from Russian, German, or French; but the normal way of coining a new word is to use Latin or Greek root with the appropriate affix and, where necessary, the size formation. It is often easier to make up words of this kind (deregionalize, impermissible, extramarital, non-fragmentary and so forth) than to think up the English words that will cover one's meaning. The result, in general, is an increase in slovenliness and vagueness.
Meaningless words. In certain kinds of writing, particularly in art criticism and literary criticism, it is normal to come across long passages which are almost completely lacking in meaning.† Words like romantic, plastic, values, human, dead, sentimental, natural, vitality, as used in art criticism, are strictly meaningless, in

† Example: Comfort's catholicity of perception and image, strangely Whitmanesque in range, almost the exact opposite in aesthetic compulsion, continues to evoke that trembling atmospheric accumulative hinting at a cruel, an inexorably serene timelessness . . .Wrey Gardiner scores by aiming at simple bull's-eyes with precision. Only they are not so simple, and through this contented sadness runs more than the surface bittersweet of resignation." (Poetry Quarterly)

the sense that they not only do not point to any discoverable object, but are hardly ever expected to do so by the reader. When one critic writes, "The outstanding feature of Mr. X's work is its living quality," while another writes, "The immediately striking thing about Mr. X's work is its peculiar deadness," the reader accepts this as a simple difference opinion. If words like black and white were involved, instead of the jargon words dead and living, he would see at once that language was being used in an improper way. Many political words are similarly abused. The word Fascism has now no meaning except in so far as it signifies "something not desirable." The words democracy, socialism, freedom, patriotic, realistic, justice have each of them several different meanings which cannot be reconciled with one another. In the case of a word like democracy, not only is there no agreed definition, but the attempt to make one is resisted from all sides. It is almost universally felt that when we call a country democratic we are praising it: consequently the defenders of every kind of regime claim that it is a democracy, and fear that they might have to stop using that word if it were tied down to any one meaning. Words of this kind are often used in a consciously dishonest way. That is, the person who uses them has his own private definition, but allows his hearer to think he means something quite different. Statements like Marshal Pétain was a true patriot, The Soviet press is the freest in the world, The Catholic Church is opposed to persecution, are almost always made with intent to deceive. Other words used in variable meanings, in most cases more or less dishonestly, are: class, totalitarian, science, progressive, reactionary, bourgeois, equality.
Now that I have made this catalogue of swindles and perversions, let me give another example of the kind of writing that they lead to. This time it must of its nature be an imaginary one. I am going to translate a passage of good English into modern English of the worst sort. Here is a well-known verse from Ecclesiastes:
I returned and saw under the sun, that the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, neither yet bread to the wise, nor yet riches to men of understanding, nor yet favour to men of skill; but time and chance happeneth to them all.
Here it is in modern English:
Objective considerations of contemporary phenomena compel the conclusion that success or failure in competitive activities exhibits no tendency to be commensurate with innate capacity, but that a considerable element of the unpredictable must invariably be taken into account.
This is a parody, but not a very gross one. Exhibit (3) above, for instance, contains several patches of the same kind of English. It will be seen that I have not made a full translation. The beginning and ending of the sentence follow the original meaning fairly closely, but in the middle the concrete illustrations -- race, battle, bread -- dissolve into the vague phrases "success or failure in competitive activities." This had to be so, because no modern writer of the kind I am discussing -- no one capable of using phrases like "objective considerations of contemporary phenomena" -- would ever tabulate his thoughts in that precise and detailed way. The whole tendency of modern prose is away from concreteness. Now analyze these two sentences a little more closely. The first contains forty-nine words but only sixty syllables, and all its words are those of everyday life. The second contains thirty-eight words of ninety syllables: eighteen of those words are from Latin roots, and one from Greek. The first sentence contains six vivid images, and only one phrase ("time and chance") that could be called vague. The second contains not a single fresh, arresting phrase, and in spite of its ninety syllables it gives only a shortened version of the meaning contained in the first. Yet without a doubt it is the second kind of sentence that is gaining ground in modern English. I do not want to exaggerate. This kind of writing is not yet universal, and outcrops of simplicity will occur here and there in the worst-written page. Still, if you or I were told to write a few lines on the uncertainty of human fortunes, we should probably come much nearer to my imaginary sentence than to the one from Ecclesiastes.
As I have tried to show, modern writing at its worst does not consist in picking out words for the sake of their meaning and inventing images in order to make the meaning clearer. It consists in gumming together long strips of words which have already been set in order by someone else, and making the results presentable by sheer humbug. The attraction of this way of writing is that it is easy. It is easier -- even quicker, once you have the habit -- to say In my opinion it is not an unjustifiable assumption that than to say I think. If you use ready-made phrases, you not only don't have to hunt about for the words; you also don't have to bother with the rhythms of your sentences since these phrases are generally so arranged as to be more or less euphonious. When you are composing in a hurry -- when you are dictating to a stenographer, for instance, or making a public speech -- it is natural to fall into a pretentious, Latinized style. Tags like a consideration which we should do well to bear in mind or a conclusion to which all of us would readily assent will save many a sentence from coming down with a bump. By using stale metaphors, similes, and idioms, you save much mental effort, at the cost of leaving your meaning vague, not only for your reader but for yourself. This is the significance of mixed metaphors. The sole aim of a metaphor is to call up a visual image. When these images clash -- as in The Fascist octopus has sung its swan song, the jackboot is thrown into the melting pot -- it can be taken as certain that the writer is not seeing a mental image of the objects he is naming; in other words he is not really thinking. Look again at the examples I gave at the beginning of this essay. Professor Laski (1) uses five negatives in fifty three words. One of these is superfluous, making nonsense of the whole passage, and in addition there is the slip -- alien for akin -- making further nonsense, and several avoidable pieces of clumsiness which increase the general vagueness. Professor Hogben (2) plays ducks and drakes with a battery which is able to write prescriptions, and, while disapproving of the everyday phrase put up with, is unwilling to look egregious up in the dictionary and see what it means; (3), if one takes an uncharitable attitude towards it, is simply meaningless: probably one could work out its intended meaning by reading the whole of the article in which it occurs. In (4), the writer knows more or less what he wants to say, but an accumulation of stale phrases chokes him like tea leaves blocking a sink. In (5), words and meaning have almost parted company. People who write in this manner usually have a general emotional meaning -- they dislike one thing and want to express solidarity with another -- but they are not interested in the detail of what they are saying. A scrupulous writer, in every sentence that he writes, will ask himself at least four questions, thus: 1. What am I trying to say? 2. What words will express it? 3. What image or idiom will make it clearer? 4. Is this image fresh enough to have an effect? And he will probably ask himself two more: 1. Could I put it more shortly? 2. Have I said anything that is avoidably ugly? But you are not obliged to go to all this trouble. You can shirk it by simply throwing your mind open and letting the ready-made phrases come crowding in. They will construct your sentences for you -- even think your thoughts for you, to a certain extent -- and at need they will perform the important service of partially concealing your meaning even from yourself. It is at this point that the special connection between politics and the debasement of language becomes clear.

A Dalit Activist's Fascist thinking

This is a response to a Dalit activist's theoretical musings. I inserted my comments in red fonts in Shrikant Borker's response to a mail informing of the cut-up of the elected canditdates to the Students Union elections at Tata Instituate of Social Sciences (TISS), Mumbai. Please find the original mail and then Mr. Borkar's comments and then my response to it at the end.
CBP

On 18 February 2010 04:53, shweta barge wrote:

Jaibhim all of you !!!


Here I take opportunity to heartily congratulate and celebrate the HISTORY which students have carved in Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai STUDENT UNION ELECTIONS.

This is the first time in STUDENT UNION of TISS where all members belong to Dalit, Tribe and Minorities.


President : ST
Vice-Prez: SC
Gen.Sec : SC
Treasure : Minority women
Cultural Sec : SC
Literary Sec : ST
Sports Sec : ST.

This success is a huge victory for us and a pioneer of building more self esteem and our say in TISS campus. This has happened first time in history of TISS.

I humbly congratulate all those students, faculties, alumni, well wishers without whom this victory would not be possible.


Love n Faith,

Ms. Shweta Barge
MSW,
TISS,Mumbai. Responding to this mail Shrikant Borkar wrote the following mail. 


Why separate terms Dalit and Tribes ?
Dear Shweta,
Hearty Congratulations on this achievements at TISS, however I am confused about your usage of terms Dalits and Tribes ? 
Do you mean that tribal are not Dalit and vice versa ? Is it possible for us to reach or evolve some comprehensive 'term' signifying the common victims of Brahiminical Social structure and exploitative system,with due consideration to the degree and context of degradation and victimization in our Indian society.
No person thinking on the lines of Ambedkrite nationalistic perceptions would agree to call himself Dalit if it is breaking him away from rest of the common victims of antagonistic anti-national brahminical design, even if it is drawing her/him some economical and  political benefits.
The term Shakti used 'Bahujan' is good to start with. However, even the 'Bahujan' term should not be adulterated with 'Dalit-Bahujan'  or more confusing ' Mulniwasi-Bahujan' as 'Dalit' is inherent in Bahujan and Bahujan is essential component of 'Mulniwasi'.
Here if some intellectual makes a critique of it and says that it is political term and is value leaden, not proper social scientifically, then my question would be 'What is political and apolitical ? I would ask 'is social devoid of political ?' And those who are little read in politics of knowledge, epistemology or politics of pedagogy would know what I mean.
Drawing on the lines of Shakti 'that our ancestors were  once ruler of this country', in the wake of recent massive misappropriation and hijacking of even term 'Bahujan', which has been interpolated by RSS that hindus means Bahujan and Muslims means 'Alpajans' , I would propose that 'Mulniwasi' would be highly appropriate term to use for all of us who have been stigmatized, degraded and ostracized in some way or another by Brahminical Culture and religion.
As it is one of the universal phenomenon which results from the conflict between  protagonist and antagonist groups i.e. the degradation and stigmatization or name calling of each other. Hence, it proves that, it could be concluded that all those communities which are socially considered low like OBCs, excluded like STs and stigmatized like SCs  including the Muslims and Christian and recent convert Buddhists from all these communities must have been at odd with main stream Hinduism aka Brahminical social structure and hence they were degraded.
This warrants a practical  solution and  comprehensive term which will represent the pan-Indian common victims to raise common conscience against their arch enemy.
And I am quite confident that 'Mulniwasi' is the term which satisfies the crucial-social-political need of our emancipatory movement.
Yours in struggle for equality and fraternity
Shri





On 20 February 2010 04:46, Shrikant Borkar wrote:

Why separate terms Dalit and Tribes ? I too feel one single word, Dalit, is enough when we are not particularly talking about issues specific to SCs or STs. But, this should not be at the cost of sidelining the tribal issues. When the greatest combined attack on Tribal lives and livelihood was launched- taking away tribal lands,- and when it encountered problems- the Indian government started first taking tribals away from their lands so that giving away their land to corporations and wealthy sections will be easy. When all of this is happening- it is ongoing and increasing- "Dalit" leaders don't seem to remember that tribals are dalits. Dalit leaders are not at the forefront of the struggle against uprooting and killing and mass raping of tribals. They are not even writing petitions against it holding protest in cities, let alone organizing tribal resistance. We should use Dalit to refer to both Tribals and SCs as long as we don't consider Tribal issues are the area of NGOs, Naxals and Government.

Dear Shweta,

Hearty Congratulations on this achievements at TISS, however I am confused about your usage of terms Dalits and Tribes ?

Do you mean that tribal are not Dalit and vice versa ? Is it possible for us to reach or evolve some comprehensive 'term' signifying the common victims of Brahiminical Social structure and exploitative system,with due consideration to the degree and context of degradation and victimization in our Indian society.

No person thinking on the lines of Ambedkrite nationalistic What is this? Why should we be nationalists? We should be internationalists. Solidarity and a capacity for siding with the all suffering peoples and catagaries irrespective their place of origin or residence should be part of our politics. Era of progressive nationalisms is over. What we now have here is a fascist form of nationalism. perceptions would agree to call himself Dalit if it is breaking him away from rest of the common victims of antagonistic anti-national brahminical design, even if it is drawing her/him some economical and political benefits. "Brahmins" could be accused of anything but anti-nationalism. They played an important part in the ideology of nationalism and probably the biggest beneficiaries of it.

The term Shakti used 'Bahujan' is good to start with. However, even the 'Bahujan' term should not be adulterated with 'Dalit-Bahujan' or more confusing ' Mulniwasi-Bahujan' as 'Dalit' is inherent in Bahujan and Bahujan is essential component of 'Mulniwasi'. This simply means that we should not use the word Dalit even. Why? You seem to suggest, though don't argue clearly, that since the idea of Bahujan is inclusive of Dalits, the very word Dalit is divisive.

Here if some intellectual makes a critique of it and says that it is political term and is value leaden, not proper social scientifically, then my question would be 'What is political and apolitical ? I would ask 'is social devoid of political ?' And those who are little read in politics of knowledge, epistemology or politics of pedagogy would know what I mean. I don't know enough about these things either. But, I think common sense, and reasoning any of us can afford, is enough to settle these matters of terminology. First, you argue that Tribe idenity should be absorbed into Dalit, then you further prescribe the absorption of Dalit into bigger Bahujan identity.

Drawing on the lines of Shakti 'that our ancestors were once ruler of this country', Our ancestors are NOT rulers of the country. First it is not historically accurate to see a single ruling community or cluster of communities through out the history. Second, there was no "country" in the first place until very recently- say later period of colonialism. Even if any of our ancestors were rulers, we should be ashamed of that. Not proudly remember it. We should track that history if we were ever rulers and apologize for atrocities we must have committed and exploitation we must have perpetrated. in the wake of recent massive misappropriation and hijacking of even term 'Bahujan', which has been interpolated by RSS that hindus means Bahujan and Muslims means 'Alpajans', I would propose that 'Mulniwasi' would be highly appropriate term to use for all of us who have been stigmatized, degraded and ostracized in some way or another by Brahminical Culture and religion. Though a moment ago argued like a quasi-RSS person in mentioning nationalism as a positive thing, it is good to hear that you too oppose their designs of appropriating these labels. But what you are proposing is an equally false catagory called Mulnivasi.

As it is one of the universal phenomenon which results from the conflict between protagonist and antagonist groups i.e. the degradation and stigmatization or name calling of each other. Hence, it proves that, it could be concluded that all those communities which are socially considered low like OBCs, excluded like STs and stigmatized like SCs including the Muslims and Christian and recent convert Buddhists from all these communities must have been at odd with main stream Hinduism aka Brahminical social structure and hence they were degraded.

This warrants a practical solution and comprehensive term which will represent the pan-Indian common victims to raise common conscience against their arch enemy. We don't need 'comprehensive' words when the purpose is not comprehensive. For political purposes, to forge a broad coalition of forces of all victims of Hindu order, there is nothing wrong in highlighting Bahujan idenity. But it doesn't have to erase or reject the specificity of Dalit identity. Elections and activities related to securing enough votes is only on sphere of our lives. We want to retain our specific identities in many walks of our lives. Just because we ask for votes we have no right to ask people to give up their identities unless we find any inhuman elements in it. We ask Brahminal people to give up some elements of their identities because they humiliate others and de-humanise themselves. My Dalit identity or Bahunjan identity or even my mala(caste) identity are not such and I don't want to give them up. Can anybody write a 'Bahujan' novel set in a village? Impossible.

And I am quite confident that 'Mulniwasi' is the term which satisfies the crucial-social-political need of our emancipatory movement. I am afraid, this is a most dangerous idea. It is doubly fascist. First it is based on the argument that other identities are to be just deleted because we want to achieve majority votes and seats in politics. Why should anybody want to sacrifice their painstakingly constructed and defended identities? The very idea of coalition is DIFFERENT forces coming together for COMMON MINIMUM goals. Second fascist idea is linking 'origin' to identity. 'Mulnivasi' means autochtonous or at least aboriginal. It is not wrong to talk in those terms when Colonials occupied them and ousted them and denied the survivors any right to live as equal partners of society. But, the idea of rights has nothing to with the place. It is, and must be, based on the idea that each individual is a human being therefore entitled to human rights. Dear Shrikant, you are appropriating the same RSS arguments and reasoning but luckily you are on our side. We should reject not only the authority of the Brahmanical forces but also their ways of thinking. I request you look in that direction.

Waiting for your response,


Chittibabu Padavala, Chennai







Yours in struggle for equality and fraternity

Shri

Saturday, February 20, 2010

Reply to Karandeep Singh

Karandeep Singh wrote:
sir, i saw your community dalit marxism. with dew respect i want to say that Marxism is about equality to human beings without discrimination on any basis. Dalit Marxism fails the basic concept of marxism. kindly remove dalit from it and help make India a discrimination free nation.

The due respect you were talking about is as misplaced as it was misspelled. Marxism's "basic concept" is that there is no equality. And, that there cannot be. Neither in nature and society nor in human thought. Kindly get this point right. It is fundamental to Marxism.
Things would have been simple if your idealism is practical: eliminating discrimination, by deleting words. It is also good that world is not like the MS word because someone with your well-meaning but ultimately meaningless idealist enthusiasm would delete good things along with, or even instead of, the bad ones.
I am assuming that you are sympathetic to Marxism if not much familiar with it. If so, let me argue this way: you might be aware that Marxism wants to side with Working classes as opposed to exploitative-parasitical classes. It is partisanship, not siding with the whole humanity but only a portion of it. It is discrimination. Bias. Could you accuse Marxism of bias for this? You can't, because what Marxism questions is the very ‘bias-is-bad-always’ idea. It further denies the possibility of neutrality. In other words, it is simply not possible to be unbiased, non-discriminatory, to be neutral, in anything. If such is not even possible, Marxism says, the talk about non-discrimination is mistaken or downright misleading. You might have known about this writer, Bertolt Brecht. Look up for him, if you haven't. He said something to the effect that, ‘on an uneven surface the shortest route from one point to the other is necessarily crooked.’ According to Geometry of abstract and even spaces, the shortest line between two points must be a straight one. Brecht is a Marxist and understood it and found a striking, memorable way to put this point across. In the exploitative world, you need to build a discriminatory mechanism to eliminate unfair, unnecessary discrimination. How absurd it would be to expect a doctor to give same medicine in same measure to all patients for all complaints? Marxism says we need to have a highly biased and discriminatory principles and practices to correct the existing inhuman discriminations and equally ‘inhuman non-discriminations.’ The second point is as important as the first one. Marxism is not an argument for indiscriminate actions or thinking.
For example, nationalism talks as if everybody in the nation is equal and all in a nation have common interests. Marxism says it is a ‘false ideology’ as far as it is spread by sections with vested interests and ‘false consciousness’ of those without them. Marxism says, the interests of the exploiting, the oppressing classes are different from those of the working/exploited class (including those denied work). Therefore, the idea of a common nation is absurd logically and dangerous politically. When Marxism calls nationalism a danger, it is taking only the point of view of the losers of nationalism, and, refusing the perspective of the beneficiaries of nationalism. Marxism is always already biased and open about it.
Now, let us come to your objection to calling ‘our’ Marxism Dalit. Why not?
Do Dalits have no right to be Marxists? Can’t Dalits read Marxism, practice it and develop it? You may still say, ‘you can, but not AS Dalits but as the oppressed, or the workers or simply communists. It is as absurd as the advice to earlier Marxists by liberal nationalists that “ask for more justice to the poor and the weak but do it from a nationalist point of view. Tell those in power that our fellow French men, they are suffering, let’s do something about them.’ This approach was not acceptable for Marxism then and not for Dalit Marxists today.
You might again counter it by saying that by calling ourselves Dalit Marxists we still allow caste to define our identity or self-understand and perception of others. But the point is to eliminate the caste.
Marxists want elimination of not only caste, but also nation, wage-labour, family and many more things. Yet, if you notice, Marxists are the first to take up the demand for raising the wages. Why? Is it inconsistency ?
Marxism is a philosophy of practice, it takes the permanent dynamism of everything into account, views things as part of processes and not as a fixed set of rules followed like ritual or chanting hymns. You build a movement and consciousness by taking up the issues of the toiling, oppressed and excluded people they feel and in the process of strengthening, refining the demands, aspirations.
The most oppressed community, Dalits, in the country need to be the lead-agent of change for better. Of course, no communism is worth its name if caught up permanently in a nation-state. Yet, we begin with Communist Party of India (A, B, C, D) and first work within the existing borders, however unnatural or irrational they may be, toward the final goal of communism across the globe. We are for elimination of gender discrimination but we start that process by women organizing themselves independently, separately.
There are good liberals who refuse to see criminal side of governments and capitalism, feudalism, patriarchy, caste system, plunder of tribal lives and livelihoods. Not all of them are idiots or criminals. But we reject their solutions because they think the above mentioned list of oppressive-exploitative mechanisms are in need of reformation. They cannot be. They can only be re-formulated. Marxism differs from good liberalism or liberal nationalism, philanthropy in seeing that there are certain things which we can’t be controlled for too long but can only done away with. Capitalism is one such, Caste is another. If you agree with this, it is not difficult to understand that you MUST first see, accept as real, the things you want to destroy.
We should not be like that proverbial cowardly cat. This cat, for fear of seeing humans, drinks milk eyes closed. Many Upper-Caste Communists behave exactly like this cat, they close their eyes to the reality of caste and assume that it is just in the eyes of the beholder. Caste is no more a superstition than capitalism is. Just as some pre-Marxist socialists thought oppression and exploitation was caused by the “greed” of capitalists, our own 21st Century Upper Caste Indian Marxists imagine that “caste feeling” is an inability to overcome a backward feeling. They say: forget about your caste and mine, it will go away. Somehow, they don’t say that about Capitalism or family system. Imagine telling workers, overcome your feelings being a worker, think like a human being. You will not be seen as a worker in cinema hall. All are equal there. Same movie for those in the balcony or in in cheaper, lower front-row. Probably, it does work as long as worker could still spare some money for going to movies or they are not killed for sitting in the same row as an upper-caste man.
Some of them don’t stop there. They think those of us, Dalits, are themselves to be blamed for using ‘caste’ in discussions and politics, thus prolonging it. There are people who naively believe that many people are poor because they did not study well in the school. Or, lazy people, not good at their work, not disciplined, or victims of misfortunes. Such a thing may be true in many individual cases in the immediate sense. This line of thinking is known as “blaming the victim.” Seeing and fighting against “victimization” is Marxism’s method. It wants human beings who refuse to be victimized or victimize. It says such human beings could be born in a society without triaining in victimizing or being victims or both. But, such society could be built only by asserting ourselves proudly as Muslims, Women, Workers, Dalits and Kashmiris, so on. Dalit Marxism says that Marxism in India, just like Russian Marxism of intellectuals before it gained currency among the working class, hitherto was caught up in the hands of upper-caste people and sensibilities, a kind of monopoly, similar to education in earlier times. And time has arrived now when it should be taken up by those who are proper agents of it- Dalits.

Friday, February 19, 2010

Gul Nawaz's piece on Media and Kashmir

February 19, 2010


Their master’s bootlickers



The Indian media is definingly at peace with itself and its lords in the establishment. Look at its priorities in Kashmir



Srinagar
February 19, 2010



The place is not too far from the centre of the Srinagar city, it’s just a 15-minute drive and well inside the summer capital of J&K. But Nishat’s residential interiors are completely unremarkable – narrow tortuous roads, random lanes and by-lanes, cluttered, poor and unplanned construction all around, and with hardly any affluent inhabitants anywhere. Amir Khan, with eyes closed and in complete bliss with his bottle of coke, on top of a small shop shutter seems to be the only object that reminds you what the rest of the world is busy with. Though the Dal, which is a short walk away, provides a rather familiar but stark contrast in aesthetics.



Why would India’s “national” media give a bother if some unprovoked troops of the Border Security Force murder in cold blood a young boy of 16, in broad day light, in this sleepy locality of Srinagar? It doesn’t serve the on-screen aesthetics a so called national news channel demands for its bulletins. It doesn’t serve the national interests of the holy Central establishment cow, so why would the papers bother either? So what forces meant to secure have turned murderers. Perhaps it’s been too long – the truth doesn’t shock anymore.



Last few weeks, Kashmir was boiling over with street protests over the death of a 13-year-old, Wamiq Farooq, whom the police had shot in the head with a tear gas shell in close range during anti-India protests – stone-throwing battles that have lately come to look more like one-on-one street fights between young Kashmiri boys and the police. Just that the police reply with fatal bullets and tear gas shells when people throw stones at them. The summer capital had already been in complete coma for a week. Another 16-year-old Inayat Khan had been similarly killed last month. The national media didn’t give a damn.



But on February 5, a Friday, 16-year-old Zahid Farooq was shot dead by the troops at what could easily be termed point-blank range. While he was returning along with his friends from a rain-affected cricket pitch, he jeered at some security personnel. People refused to bury the body of the teenager before an FIR was registered and a post mortem done in video and in front of local residents. Hindustan Times called the killing “mysterious”. Perhaps it needed Omar Abdullah and P Chidambaram as witnesses to the murder. It wasn’t a matter of concern if Zahid’s friends – eye witness to the incident – had poured their hearts out narrating what had actually happened. Later on Monday, it was The Indian Express that went ahead and published on the front page of its Delhi edition in detail the findings of the government probe ordered over the incident. The findings suggested that a BSF officer shot the boy with a jawan’s Insas rifle:



“...a BSF officer in civvies was travelling along with his guards while another vehicle with securitymen was following them when the incident took place... The vehicles crossed the Nishat neighbourhoods which were unaffected by protests... Zahid [and his friends] were on their way home after rains had forced them to abandon a cricket match. When they saw the BSF vehicles approaching, they began booing. Suddenly, the two BSF vehicles stopped and jawans jumped out. So did the officer in the civvies... There was a verbal altercation. The boys hurled abuses at the BSF men and began running. This is when the BSF officer, according to the probe, took an Insas rifle from a jawan and shot Zahid Farooq in the chest. He was hit by a single bullet and police have recovered the cartridge.



The only problem with the eye witness account, and this report, was this: Zahid’s friends had maintained that Zahid was shot in the chest while they were running away. He should have got shot in the back. But that was precisely what had happened. The boys were wrong. Zahid was hit in the back. The range was so close that the bullet had pierced his body creating a much larger exit wound on his chest. The boys felt he was shot in the front.



The BSF had all along refuted the claim of the eye witnesses saying none of its soldiers were patrolling the area on that day. And now the state government was begging the Centre to force the BSF to come clean on the incident.



News channels, which shamelessly present the day’s newspaper reports as “breaking news” every morning, obviously brushed aside the Express report. Well. On Twitter:



Barkha Dutt: “The Mumbai police is making the right noises about securing the release of My name is Khan. But why am I not convinced? What a shameful situation this is.” And Rajdeep Sardesai: “Just when we thought it was a slow news day, [SPS] Rathore gets stabbed. CNN-IBN has a special [report] at 8.30 pm... Rathore may have got away with a crime, but nothing justifies this kind of reaction. We in the media too need to show restraint.”



But all this ignoring Kashmir was to change within hours for each and every national channel, and newspapers alike. Heavy snowfall in the higher reaches of the valley led to fatal avalanches killing more than a dozen army men. What were they doing there when the government had already given out warnings and evacuated even the last tourist from the areas? Well, 400 men were undergoing training at a high altitude warfare camp at Khilanmarg in Kashmir. What a contrast from Nishat’s sleepy neighbourhood. Spectacular visuals were here for the TV. And patriotic fodder for the papers abound.



So here were the media finally in Kashmir, but going paranoid over a disaster turned into a mark of a macho nation. Chief Editors came out tweeting in horror over what had happened. CNN-IBN’s Rajdeep didn’t miss the opportunity to tell us his reporter went to capture the images “in the spirit of ‘whatever it takes’”. The thought of something called “high altitude warfare” gave the news editors a high anyway. None other than the chief minister of J&K, Omar Abdullah, came on live in national news to answer why the army men had not vacated after being warned of hostile weather. He replied: The men are meant to do precisely this… it’s their job… But we are doing everything we can and the rest of that.



So what the protectors had day-old blood on their hands still unwashed. They have had it since decades in a valley that still looks on, stunned.



PS: The reluctant admission by the Border Security Forces more than a week later was carried in the news headlines for a few hours by some Indian news channels, before the story was pushed back and removed. Ditto the newspapers. The fact remains that, when it comes to Kashmir, the Indian media like a faithful dog won’t talk about the filth of the Indian establishment before the government itself has given it a nod to do so. And that of course seldom happens. So when the Security Forces admit murder in a press briefing, the media flashes it since there’s hardly a choice. When innocent boys recount the same horror, it is quietly brushed aside. That it is the duty of the media to proactively investigate and find out the truth is an idea long abandoned and forgotten.



Meanwhile, the more recent killing of two militants in an encounter in Kulgam was given live coverage by all the so called national news channels. None spoke about the fact that the funeral of the two which was carried out by the local people was openly fired upon leaving eight wounded with bullets, one of them critically, and scores injured in the clashes thereafter.